The Institution of Analık in Alevism

The Historical and Social Position of the Institution of Analık

Although the institution of analık constitutes an important component of the traditional and religious structure in Alevi social organization, it has received limited attention in the literature and has largely been defined in relation to the institution of dedelik. Indeed, in some studies, conceptualize the ana as the dede’s spouse, interpreting the status as one that emerges from the marital bond. (Ulusoy, Yılmaz, Karşıcı & Selçuk, 2014; Gümüş, 2011, p. 24; Okan, 2014, p. 29; Arı, 2019). While this approach explains a particular aspect of the analık institution, it reduces it to a one-dimensional framework and renders its position in religious practices and its role in social functions largely invisible.

While studies emphasizing that the traditional Alevi social structure is organized around dede lineages (ocaks), musahiplik, and the cem ritual (Coşkun, 2017; Sis & Çeçen, 2016) outline the main contours of Alevi institutional organization, they tend to position the institution of analık at a secondary level within this structure. However, field observations and oral narratives demonstrate that ana’s do not occupy merely a symbolic position, but rather play an active role in the transmission of religious knowledge. As Yıldırım notes, in the traditional Alevi social structure, the transmission of religious knowledge is carried out through specific actors. In his book Geleneksel Alevilik, based on extensive fieldwork, Yıldırım indicates that, alongside dedes, âşıks (zakirs), babas and çelebis, anas also participate actively in this process. This finding suggests that the institution of analık cannot be reduced to a merely symbolic status; rather, it should be understood as a functional and active component of the transmission of religious knowledge and practices within everyday religious life (Yıldırım, 2018, p. 106).

The discourse of equality between women and men within the Alevi belief system provides the foundation for women to assume active roles in both religious and social spheres. Indeed, the principle of gender equality constitutes one of the core elements of Alevi doctrine. The strongest basis of this perspective, which places the human being at its center, is the concept of can (Okan, 2023, pp. 166-167; Altıntaş, 2023, pp. 75-76). This approach also offers an important framework for explaining the legitimacy of the institution of analık and the figure of the ana within the belief system (Menemencioğlu, 2011, pp. 130-131; Koç, 2015, p. 129). However, this principle of equality, emphasized at the theoretical level, is not always reflected in practice (Küçükkeleş, 2023, p. 121). The distinctly male-dominated character of the institution of dedelik within the traditional Alevi structure constitutes a significant factor limiting the visibility of anas in the sphere of religious authority. For example, when an ana attends a cem ceremony together with her husband, who is a dede, the ritual seat (post) belongs to dede, while she is positioned beside or behind him. When an ana participates in a cem together with her son, either she or her son may occupy the post; nevertheless, as a woman, she does not possess the authority to conduct a cem independently (Altıntaş, 2023, pp. 81-82). The fact that women are not authorized to lead a cem on their own and that such authority is generally exercised only in conjunction with a male religious figure, further reinforces the limited visibility of the institution of analık. Consequently, the institution of analık often remains positioned not at the center of religious authority but rather at its periphery.

It is clear that, the relatively limited visibility of the institution of analık today, compared to the institutions of pirlik and dedelik, cannot be understood independently of the structural and social transformations that have occurred throughout history. In particular, the increasing prominence of gender-based divisions of labor within traditional Alevi social organization, together with the burden of difficult living conditions and care responsibilities placed upon women, contributed to the organization of rituals and religious practices within a male-dominated framework. Within this structure, the public representation and visibility of anas remained relatively limited (Hanoğlu, 2025). In an interview recorded by the Alevi Encyclopedia with Ana Cevahir Altınok, Altınok explains that despite her long-standing service within the Alevi faith tradition, she experienced gender-based discrimination, that gaining recognition alongside dedes took considerable time and that she encountered various challenges in attaining the status of ana (Alevi Encyclopedia, 2025). This testimony demonstrates that the principle of gender equality, emphasized at the theoretical level within Alevism, has not always been fully realized in practice.

At the same time, Altınok’s statement that “the scales of Truth (Hak) are in the hands of the pirs and the anas” highlights both the significance and the authority of the institution of analık within the Alevi belief system. Recalling the principle that “the path (yol) passes through service,” she emphasizes that she attained the status of ana through her dedicated service to the faith community (Alevi Encyclopedia, 2025). Furthermore, Ana Cevahir Altınok notes that her husband is not a pir and describes herself as a “servant of the path” (yol hizmetkârı). She stresses that the role of an ana extends beyond merely conducting cem rituals and also encompasses functions such as social guidance, mediation, and moral leadership. Her statements that “pirs and anas must be peaceful in order to keep society together” and that “the ana is the gate of truth” underscore the social and spiritual importance of the institution of analık within the Alevi belief system (Alevi Encyclopedia, 2025).

According to Pir Ali Doğan, the institution of analık occupies a central position within the Alevi belief system through the framework of the Dört Kapı doctrine. Doğan directly associates the fourth gate of Hak with the institution of analık, while regarding other positions such as pirlik, rehberlik and taliplik as complementary elements of this holistic structure. Within this perspective, the institution of analık is not viewed merely as a supportive role but rather as one of the constitutive components of the belief system itself. Indeed, drawing on the example of Dersim, Doğan emphasizes the significance of analık by noting that every ziyaret has its own ana. Furthermore, he argues that concepts such as kutsal emanetler “sacred relics” and the “Hak Döşeği” (Bed of Truth) make visible the foundational and protective roles that women assume within this religious tradition (Alevi Encyclopedia, 2025).

Modernization, Urbanization and the Reconfiguration of Position

With the process of urbanization, religious practices within Alevi communities have been spatially and institutionally reorganized. The weakening of traditional oral transmission networks and the relocation of rituals to institutional settings such as cemevis have also transformed the functional position of the institution of analık. Indeed, Akdemir’s study demonstrates that, although the status of ana’s has maintained its historical continuity, their visibility has gradually weakened and taken on new forms in response to changing social conditions (Akdemir, 2020, p. 16; Yolcu, 2018, pp. 68-69).

However, in recent years, the institution of analık has re-emerged as a subject of debate, and arguments advocating for women’s participation in practices such as leading cem rituals and occupying the post (spiritual seat of authority) have gained increasing support. Indeed, examples have emerged in some cemevis where women, bearing the title of ana, have assumed the post and conducted cem ceremonies. Some Alevi dedes argue that views opposing women’s right to occupy the post are incompatible with Alevi teachings and contradict the principle of equality embedded within the faith tradition (PİRHA, 2018). In an interview recorded by the Alevi Encyclopedia, Ana Narin Gülçiçeği explains that her experience as an ana has been shaped by various challenges and exclusionary attitudes. Gülçiçeği states that she has encountered claims asserting that “an ana cannot perform religious service,” and further notes that prevailing assumptions defining analık through lineage-transmitted through men rather than women-have rendered the legitimacy of this status a matter of debate (Alevi Encyclopedia, 2025). Within this context, some scholars and Alevi activists argue that anas, like dedes, should be entitled to take part in the ritual leadership of cem ceremonies. Akkaya, for instance, maintains that the gender equality theoretically emphasized in Alevism has not been adequately reflected in practice and therefore advocates for removing barriers that prevent anas from conducting cem rituals (PİRHA, 2018). These developments suggest an ongoing effort to bridge the gap between the egalitarian discourse that has strong theological foundations within the Alevi belief system and its practical implementation in everyday religious life.

In recent years, debates concerning the religious authority of anas within Alevi religious practice have increasingly evolved into concrete institutional practices. A notable example can be found at the Bağcılar Cemevi in Istanbul, where Ana Sevim Sağol, carrying the title of ana, sits on the post alongside the dede, offers prayers and conducts cem rituals. This practice constitutes a tangible example of the long-standing debate within the Alevi community regarding whether anas can lead cem ceremonies (Sonbahar, 2019). Field data presented by Köksal (2022) further indicate that, in some cemevis, women have been able to occupy the post as anas through a combination of institutional encouragement and community support. One female interviewee holding the status of ana stated that she had assumed the post with the support of the foundation’s administration and described the process as both a learning experience carried out in cooperation with dedes and a practice that was positively received by the congregation (Köksal, 2022, p. 156). At the same time, these developments are significant because they render visible, within the ritual sphere, the principle of gender equality that is frequently emphasized in Alevi teachings.

The increasing visibility of certain female figures within the sphere of religious belief has become particularly noteworthy in recent years. In this context, Elif Ana has emerged as a prominent figure who was believed to possess healing powers and knowledge of future events during her lifetime, and whose shrine continues to attract visitors today. Sultan Ana, through the association and cemevi she established, continues to sustain religious practices while contributing to the public visibility of Alevism by bringing together diverse segments of society. Zöhre Ana, drawing upon narratives rooted in her mystical experiences, founded a dervish lodge (dergâh) and gained a wide following as a pir who conducts cem rituals and is believed to bestow healing. These three examples clearly illustrate the growing authority and visibility of women within the Alevi religious sphere (Yüksel, 2016, pp. 53-54). In this regard, Zöhre Ana may be regarded as a contemporary example of female-centered religious authority. The organization of the ritual space has been designed in a manner that spatially renders Zöhre Ana’s charismatic authority visible; her central and elevated position makes her the focal point of participants’ attention. This demonstrates that female religious authority has acquired a form of visibility that is not merely symbolic but is also institutionalized at both ritual and spatial levels (Soileau, 2025, p. 10). Accordingly, these examples suggest that the institution of analık has undergone a process of restructuring in the modern period.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the institution of analık has historically remained in a secondary position within the Alevi belief system due to the gendered division of labor, the predominantly masculine character of dedelik and the male-centered organization of ritual authority. Nevertheless, analık should not be understood merely as an institution defined in relation to dedelik. Rather, it is an institution that is regaining visibility in the contemporary period and reasserting its identity. As evidenced by field findings and oral traditions, analık constitutes a functional and active religious actor within the traditional, social and religious organization of Alevism.

As discussed above, while the processes of modernization, urbanization, and migration have diminished the visibility of the institution of analık by contributing to the erosion of traditional social structures, the institution has recently re-emerged as a subject of debate and gained renewed visibility through women’s increasing demands to conduct cem rituals, occupy the post, and participate in religious authority. Accordingly, there remains a significant need for further field-based research across diverse geographical and social contexts in order to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the transformation and contemporary dynamics of the institution of analık.