Kirvelik (2)

Kewra / Kirêw ^[1]

Kivra refers to the person who stands beside the child undergoing circumcision and supports the family during this process. In the context of Dersim Alevism (Raa Haqi), kirvelik is regarded not merely as a form of individual solidarity but as one of the principal social mechanisms through which enduring bonds between different families are established. This relationship is also referred to as “Prophetic friendship” and carries strong moral legitimacy. Marriage between kirves is strictly prohibited; this prohibition also extends to the relatives of the parties up to the fourth degree. The bond of kirvelik remains valid for four generations. Moreover, kirvelik functions as a conciliatory mechanism used to resolve hostilities and conflicts between tribes.

During the establishment of the kirvelik bond, the family that will take a kirve prepares niyaz and visits the house where the kirvelik will be established, placing an apple, three candles, and twelve coins on top of the niyaz. These twelve coins are called Des u diye Mehemed (“Muhammad’s Twelve”) and refer to the Twelve Imams. Kirves visit each other once a year accompanied by niyaz; this visit generally takes place in the autumn months and signifies the renewal of the ikrar. In this respect, within the Raa Haqi tradition kirvelik functions not merely as a ritual accompaniment but as a sacred relationship that generates long-term responsibilities and reciprocal obligations.

Batıni Kirvelik

As a practice that is no longer carried out today, batıni kirvelik is established through a relationship with the batın realm and sacred beings. Those who establish kirvelik in the batın visit the place belonging to the saint (ziyaret) who will be accepted as kivra, together with the child. After a candle (çıra) is lit, the child is entrusted to the protection of the sacred being with the phrase “no kerm esto pêsa to” (“this soul is entrusted to your shadow”). If the kivra has not been determined beforehand, recourse is made to intention (niyet). For example, when one goes to the place where kivra will be established in the batın, the first person encountered there may be accepted as the kivra. If the saint concerned does not have a specific ziyaret place, the bond of kirvelik is established by distributing niyaz in his name. In some cases, kirvelik is limited solely to ziyarets and is established through the sacred place itself, without being directly connected to a particular family.

Zahiri Kirvelik

In zahiri kirvelik, the kivra is determined in advance and the intention is communicated to him. If a positive response is received, the day and time on which the kirvelik bond will be established are agreed upon. On the designated day, the family of the child to be circumcised prepares niyaz; a red apple and a pouch containing twelve coins (12 metal coins) are placed on top of the niyaz. Taking candles with them, the family goes with their child to the house of the person who will become the kivra. After an introductory conversation, the purpose of the visit is restated; once the candle is lit, the niyaz on which the apple and the pouch of coins are placed is brought forward. The child’s father hands the pouch to the kivra saying “Ni Des u Diyê Mehemediye” (“These are Muhammad’s Twelve”) and seats the child on the kivra’s lap. Receiving the pouch, the kivra kisses the child and accepts the kirvelik bond by saying: “Des u Diyê Mehemed sare u çımıne mı sere, Haq pozğıniye mede, ma rişa mekero” (“Muhammad’s Twelve are above my head and eyes; may Haq not give us resentment or estrangement; may our faces not be blackened”).

Circumcision

When the circumcision is to be performed, a gift is sent to the kivra together with an apple, and the kivra is invited to the circumcision ceremony. The kivra usually arrives one day before the circumcision; the circumcision clothes of the child are purchased by the kivra. The kivra attends the ceremony bringing the clothing as well as various gifts related to food, drink, and garments for family members.

After the circumcision, the kivra bids farewell to the child. The family sends the kivra off with previously prepared gifts. On the third day after the circumcision, the kivra visits the circumcised child with gifts. With the kivra’s visit, the child gets out of bed and begins to move around. The kivra spends the night in the house; the host usually prepares soğıs (lamb kebab), neighbors are invited, and people eat and celebrate together.

Before the circumcision procedure takes place, a kirvelik bond is established with a person who will support the child during the circumcision. On the day of the circumcision, at dawn (before sunrise), the kivra bathes the child who will be circumcised. With the sunrise, the circumcision prayer begins. This prayer is called Honika Mehemed. A table is placed facing the direction of the rising sun; on the table a şeniye (tray) is placed, and in the middle of it a pırozıne (flour sieve) is positioned. A towel is spread over the sieve, niyaz is placed to its right, and a çıra is lit. The circumciser positions the child who will be circumcised and the kivra on his right side, and the child’s family on his left side, standing behind the table facing the sun. The assembled community stands behind them, and the lokma and niyaz brought by the community are also placed on the table. The circumciser asks the community for rızalık and recites the circumcision gülbeng:

Himetkere (sünnetçi)
Himmet Haq ra (cemaat)

Na tore tore Ivrayim peyğamber
Kerdo mıqerem pir u rayver
Hast niado Duzgıne Kemer

Adem u Hava ra ust ra na az
Mehemd u Xeyzade bi berz
Ali u Fatamada bi rez
Haq medo sıma sare dez.

Qirvan ho kerdo lazek ver
Sayido cemato ke amo pêser
Kewrau son werdo des u dıyine ser
Raye endi tariya nicerene peyser.

Honike honika Mehemed
Sıkıre ma ve Comerd
Ewro biyo neşiv sunet
Haq sımare xerkero na odet

Cer hardo dewres cor asmêno kewe
Sayide simaye na rozede
Od dame od ceme
Pêro pia biare sılavete

(Törenin sahibi İbrahim Peygamber / Daim kılanlar ise Pir ile Rehber / Kayayı mekân tutan Duzgı vermesin keder / Adem ile Havva’dan geldi bu zühriyet / Muhammed ile Hatice’de oldu niyet / Ali ile Fatma’dan kaldı kısmet / Haq vermesin başa dert… Kurban olmuş çocuğa feda / Şahittir buna hazır bulunan cemaat / Kivralar On İki İmam’a beyan etmiş niyet / Geri dönüş yoktur, yol karanlık, dönenin sonu felaket… Honikanın sahibi Muhammed / Şükürler olsun sana Comerd / Bugüne kısmet olmuş sünnet / Sizlere hayırlı olsun bu adet… Aşağıda yer, yukarıda gök / Bugün de bizlere tanık / İkrar verdik, ikrar aldık / Hep beraber getirelim selavet)

After the gülbeng, the circumciser recites the salavat loudly, while the community recites it in a lower voice. Then, first the kivra, followed by the child’s family, and then the assembled community, place money-according to their means-on the towel covering the sieve. The collected money is used to pay the circumciser’s fee; after his consent (rızalık) is obtained, çıralık is also given to those in need among those present. While the niyaz is distributed and lokma is served, the child is taken to the place where the circumcision will be performed. A towel is placed over the knees of the kivra, and the child sits on the kivra’s lap. During the circumcision, a small amount of blood drips onto the towel. If no blood drips, the circumciser smears the blood from his lancet onto the towel. This situation is called “gon rişiya pesê to” (“blood has dripped onto your skirt”). This act carries a particular meaning. Resentment, hypersensitivity, betrayal, and disloyalty are considered obstacles to this bond. Those who engage in such behavior despite this blood are considered yol düşkünü and are not accepted back onto the path until the Day of Judgment. The bloody towel is given to the kivra. If the bond of kirvelik is broken, this towel is returned.

After the circumcision is completed, the hand-washing ceremony is performed. This ceremony is conducted by a person of modest economic means. This person brings a basin to the center, carries a new towel on the left shoulder, holds water in the right hand, and an unused new bar of soap in the left hand. The child’s father comes to the basin to wash his hands; with the back of the left hand facing the basin and the upper side of the right hand facing upward, he holds his hands together. On top of these hands, first the hands of the kivra, and above them those of the circumciser, are placed in the same manner. The person conducting the ceremony pours water over the circumciser’s hands; the circumciser lets the water flow onto the kivra’s hands, and the kivra passes it onto the hands of the child’s father. Afterwards, soap is placed in the palms of the circumciser; after soaping his hands, the circumciser passes the soap into the palms of the kivra, and the kivra passes it to the child’s father. After soaping his hands, the child’s father places the bar of soap in the basin. The hands are then rinsed beginning with the circumciser, and the person conducting the ceremony offers the towel for drying. When the hand-washing and drying are completed, the kivra and the child’s father give money (çıralık) to the person conducting the ceremony; the towel and soap are also left to that person. The water used is poured into a clean place where no one will step on it. After the hand-washing ceremony, the circumcision ritual is considered complete.

Conclusion

Kirvelik (kivralık) in the belief world of Dersim Alevism (Raa Haqi) emerges as a comprehensive relational form that extends beyond biological kinship and is deeply intertwined with ritual, ethics, and the sacred. When considered in its batıni and zahiri forms, kirvelik establishes a relationship of sacred protection and entrustment through batın beings and ziyarets, while also creating an irreversible, intergenerational moral bond between families through the circumcision ritual. Practices such as niyaz, gülbeng, rızalık, the bloody towel, and the hand-washing ceremony demonstrate that this bond is not merely symbolic but functions as a form of contract that generates strong obligations and sanctions. The marriage prohibition extending across four generations ensures that the kirvelik relationship occupies a lasting place in social memory; the severe consequences foreseen in cases of violation serve to protect the ethics of the yol and the collective moral order. Within this framework, kirvelik in the Raa Haqi tradition is understood not simply as a ceremonial accompaniment to circumcision but as a central institution of belief and relationship that operates through rıza, loyalty, mutual responsibility, and contact with the sacred, thereby securing social peace and ethical continuity.